Anti-White racism is discrimination, prejudice and acts of hostility of a racist nature toward people racialized as White (especially those from Europe and its diasporas). It can manifest in various forms, including but not limited to ethnic hatred, stereotyping, exclusion, or violence, and can occur in both overt and subtle ways.
The term "anti-White racism" originated in the 1960s, describing racist acts against White people recognized historically and politically (notably in France and by figures like Pierre Paraf [fr]). The concept of reverse racism in the U.S. context is often used by opponents of affirmative action. Claims of anti-White racism have been made since the 1980s and have become more common since the 2010s. Examples of anti-White racism include attacks targeting White individuals and anti-White sentiments in post-apartheid South Africa and Zimbabwe, as well as in some parts of Europe and North America.
Some deny the existence of anti-White racism in majority-White countries, arguing that minority groups are incapable of racism due to systemic racism and prejudice plus power definitions. The subject is contentious, with differing perspectives on its prevalence, impact, and comparison to other forms of racial discrimination. Most legal systems do not formally distinguish racism by race or ethnicity of the victims, and courts have occasionally ruled on cases involving racist insults or violence against White individuals.
Concepts and study
In philosophy
According to Magali Bessone, professor of political philosophy at the Panthéon-Sorbonne University in Paris, if the phenomenon of racism is considered in a structural manner, then the notion of anti-White racism is not relevant "in societies where Whites are in a position of domination. [Which] does not prevent the existence of individual behaviors that can be designated in this case as falling within the scope of racial hatred. And the definition of racism must probably be both individual and institutional."[1]
According to Jorge L. A. Garcia, philosophy professor at Boston College, "the claim that Black racism is more dangerous than White in urban areas 'where blacks control power' may have little application in our nation", yet Black racism is an "ugly phenomenon" and "damaging to the cause of racial justice."[2][3]
In social sciences
Sociology studies racism by taking into account specific socio-historical contexts and the prior existence, in Western societies, of ideologies and policies that have historically given Whites the role of the dominant race.[4][5][6] Researchers distinguish between what is racist behavior—rejection, anger, insults, aggression, etc.—of an individual nature, and the existence of systemic racism, i.e. racism that is embedded in the social organization.[7]
Pooja Sawrikar, a psychologist, and Ilan Katz, a social work researcher at the University of New South Wales, challenge the definition of racism which they summarize as "Racism = Prejudice + Power". Describing this approach as reductionist, they refute definitions of racism based on social power, which they believe reduce racism to White supremacy in White-majority societies. Thus, the idea that only White people can be racist would be flawed and itself racist. Furthermore, they write that this approach, which places White people at the center of any discourse on race, leads to impotence in the fight against racism. This helplessness would manifest itself in a feeling of guilt among White people, due to the fact that they cannot do anything individually against racism since they are oppressors by virtue of their skin color, and a feeling of helplessness among ethnic minorities, who would be forced to admit that racism is a condition that they cannot change. This approach would also encourage passivity, both among White people not participating in the anti-racist struggle, who would be content with their assigned role as the dominant group, and among racial minorities, who would reject any responsibility because of their minority status.[8]
French political scientist, sociologist and historian Pierre-André Taguieff considers that the notions of institutional racism, structural racism or systemic racism derive from the anti-racist definition of racism produced by revolutionary African-American activists at the end of the 1960s. According to him, these terms are not the expression of a conceptualization of racism, but "a symbolic weapon which consists of reducing racism to White racism supposed to be inherent to 'White society' or to 'White domination', the latter being the only form of racial domination recognized and denounced by neo-antiracists." With White society being conceptualized as intrinsically racist, "it follows that anti-White racism cannot exist. This is a fundamental article of faith of the new 'anti-racist' catechism."[9]
French political scientist Laurent Bouvet argues that "so-called anti-racist activists who claim that 'anti-White' racism does not exist do so from a purely political perspective", writing that "racism is an anthropological phenomenon, both cultural and social, which affects all human societies." "Racism exists everywhere, in all social groups, and is expressed, practically or theoretically, against the 'Other' on the basis of an identity linked to skin color or ethno-cultural origin."[10]
For Daniel Sabbagh, research director at the Center for International Research (CERI) in Paris, racism can be understood from three points of view. The first is ideological racism, based on the hierarchy of races defined by a racialization of humanity. The second is attitudinal racism, the subject of studies in social psychology in particular, which conceives racism as a set of negative attitudes towards the racialized other. The third is systemic racism.[11] The researcher believes that the use of the expression "anti-White racism" is not abusive to characterize, for example, the ideological or attitudinal racism inevitably produced in reaction to the racism suffered, without common measure, by non-Whites. He cites as examples the ideological speech of Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Nation of Islam (NOI), likening Whites to demons, and the video of the French rapper Nick Conrad, entitled "Pendez les Blancs" (Hang the Whites).[11] Daniel Sabbagh agrees that if we only consider systemic racism, as a conception of racism, then the expression "anti-White racism" is irrelevant. He believes, however, that racism must be studied in all its dimensions.[11]
In the media
BBC News editor Mark Easton cites the Ross Parker murder case to argue that society has been forced to redefine racism and discard the definition of "prejudice plus power"—a definition which, in Easton's view, tends to only allow ethnic minorities to be victims and Whites to be perpetrators. He states, "Describing an incident as racist may say as much about a victim's mindset as the offender. How else can one explain the British Crime Survey finding that 3,100 car thefts from Asians were deemed to be racially motivated?"[12] Journalist Yasmin Alibhai-Brown argues that the case highlights double standards of racial equality campaigners, suggesting Black activists should "march and remember victims like Ross Parker ... our values are worthless unless all victims of these senseless deaths matter equally".[13] She writes, "to treat some victims as more worthy of condemnation than others is unforgivable and a betrayal of anti-racism itself".[14]
The Sunday Times in a 2006 investigation by Brendan Montague examined British newspaper archives for coverage of racist crimes, reporting "an almost total boycott of stories involving the white victims of attacks" whereas "cases involving black and minority ethnic victims are widely reported".[15] The BBC Editorial Standards Committee in 2007 found that "there was no evidence to suggest that the BBC had shown a specific and systemic bias in favour of cases where the victim had been black or Asian", but accepted it had "underplayed its coverage of the Ross Parker case" and repeated the failings in its coverage of the murder of Kriss Donald.[16]
Following violent acts during French high school demonstrations on March 8, 2005, and their media coverage, journalist Luc Bronner's article in the newspaper Le Monde, entitled "High school student demonstrations: the specter of anti-White violence"[17] caused a media-political controversy in France over the labeling of this violence as "anti-White".[a][18][19] Following Luc Bronner's article, a number of personalities including Ghaleb Bencheikh, Alain Finkielkraut, Bernard Kouchner and Jacques Julliard, launched on March 25, 2005, an "Appeal against 'anti-White racial attacks'", initiated by the left-wing Zionist movement Hashomer Hatzair and the Jewish community radio station Radio Shalom.[18][20] A signatory of the appeal, Pierre-André Taguieff believes that the violence reveals the existence of anti-White racism in France, a reflection of a "racialization of social conflict" and that racism is not solely the work of Whites.[20] Despite the International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA) considering the racist nature of the attacks to be proven,[21] several anti-racist organizations, such as SOS Racisme, the MRAP and the Human Rights League (LDH), denounced the appeal as "irresponsible".[18][19]
In law enforcement
Peter Fahy, the former spokesman on race issues for the British Association of Chief Police Officers said: "A lot of police officers and other professionals feel almost the best thing to do is to try and avoid [discussing such attacks] for fear of being criticised. This is not healthy". He added that "it was a fact that it was harder to get the media interested where murder victims were young white men".[22] Montague suggests the lack of police appeals in cases involving White victims may be a cause of the lack of media coverage.[15] Evidence of this was seen in the Parker case, with the police initially appearing keen to dismiss the possible racist aspect of the murder, stating "there was no reason to believe that the attack was racially motivated".[23]
